Kolawole Anthony: Religious Malpractices And Implication For National Security

I always struggle to keep a smirk off my face each time I ruminate over how we often as a people focus on basic things while glossing over the crucial ones. Security, climate change, economy and a host of other hot issues are important but they become basic when viewed from the perspective of crucial issues like religion and healthcare.

Possibly owing to our sensitivities, we tend to take religion for granted. In a world where we now go out of our ways not to cause offence, religion and those that take it to fanatical levels become the biggest beneficiaries. For instance, I had waited several times to see public outrage against religion driven violence, even when life is lost but we all tend to simply heave our shoulders in a gesture that says ‘it is about religion, I don’t want to blaspheme’ as we move on to discuss the next political scandal.

Take the anticorruption crusade for example, it has indicted ex and serving public office holders, politicians, soldiers, media owners and bankers. Nothing has been said of the clergy to whom the treasury thieves made monetary donations or even built places of worship. It is another way of saying you are above the law once you come by way of religion. I see this license extends even to the freedom to preach hatred, promote extremism and radicalize youths.

In one part of the country I have seen clerics keep youths busy studying scriptures, that means they will never get a western education; in another part of the country, youths that did get the western education are encouraged to wait for the divine such that they never get to contribute to the economy because they will enter retirement without once picking up paid employment and will remain dependent on society.

This is why I wonder why we must continue to prevaricate in tackling head on a disaster that has already befallen us. This unscriptural reverence for the clergy and the tainted preaching they give to the public gave us Boko Haram that bastardized the Sunni Wahabbi brand of Islam to kill even Muslim; it gave us the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN) that convoluted the ideologies of the Shiite sect to send youths on suicide missions; it gave us the child killing outrage of exorcists somewhere in the south; and it is to it we must give credit for the kidnappers and robbers that usually claim they acted on the prompting from their prosperity believing pastors.

The state has taken on Boko Haram once it became clear that religion was just a cover under which some psychos were operating to satisfy their perversion. Society, including the police, is speaking and against those that brand children witches. Kidnappers and robbers meet their waterloo daily whether from security agencies on enraged mobs that is ever willing to dispense jungle justice with petrol soaked tyres for garlands. But we seem to be making excuses for entities like the IMN and other groups that are presently at the stage of indoctrinating and brainwashing followers.

This indoctrination with the attendant militarisation got to a head when members of this sect made an attempt on the life of a serving military chief. It was the climax of a reign of terror that did not get widespread media coverage for some reason or the other. Had the military not subsequently conducted that operation IMN would have by now surpassed Boko Haram in undermining the existence of the Nigerian state. This is because the doctrine its leadership preaches to followers is that of fanatical extremism with hardcore militarisation thrown in to make suicidal fanatics out of youths.

The sect’s reaction in the aftermath of the military operation remains a warning on the threat they pose to Nigeria’s security as a nation and as a secular state. In addition to the treasonable acts they had committed they also reduced Nigeria to a proxy state with the then Iranian Ambassador, Saheed Kozechi threatening destruction for the country. But for the intervention of nationalistic Nigerians that called the criminal alliance between the Ambassador and IMN to order they would have achieved the agenda of destabilising the country especially given the way they misled sections of the population into thinking that government’s efforts at preventing extremism was rights abuse.

Just months after the December IMN/military clash, as would be expected of hard-line fundamentalists, the sect’s members are at it again by threatening a breach of the peace with a trek that would be classified as criminal in most countries of the world. They are trekking from their heartland in Zaria to Abuja in a development that would potentially pitch them against security operatives. They know this and they have prepared the ground to again play the victim by claiming security agencies plan to attack them.

There is therefore need to deal with this dubious doctrine that IMN is propagating. We can find the answer on how to proceed outside our shores. Europe offers possible answers. On that continent I see countries that think tolerating extremism could make it less virulent. Petting a viper does not make its venom less potent same as being tolerant of extreme religious views would not make those radicalized by it less violent. France, Belgium, Germany and Britain can testify to this. Under the guise of freedom – of expression, movement, association and religion, they allowed youths in their country to be radicalized and today they are dealing with the consequences of that choice. France in particular will for a long time pay a huge price for its libertarian stance.

I fear this is where we are headed if we continue to give room for more extremism after Boko Haram by providing cover for IMN using human rights. We might as well say it is okay for people to accept burning children as witches as a right steeped in beliefs or for people to rob and kidnap others at will because their cleric promised them breakthrough.

As we have experienced with Boko Haram and as some countries in the Middle East and Europe have now learnt, inflammatory preaching and radicalization is a threat to any country’s security. Unlike countries that allowed the cancer of extremism to spread before waking up Nigeria, especially the 19 northern states, must act to clamp down on hate preaching, growth and spread of the Islamic State agenda through fake preaching and the attendant detrimental consequences on national security.

I think we must look to countries where extremism has not flourished to find the answers. Such countries tend to immediately curtail any tendency towards the propagation of extreme doctrines. Usually, there would be those that will protest about how rights are being trampled but then there is national security to consider. It is this implication for national security that should drive us as a people and not a poorly thought out reflex to keep religious malpractices in place at our own peril.

Kolawole PhD is a University lecturer and contributed this piece from Keffi, Nasarawa State.

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DAILY SPRINGS: Best Ways To Reject A Relationship Proposal Without Controversy

By Emmy Chi Bandoh

Some days ago beside a filling station were i came to get fuel, i saw a young lady, she was tall and beautiful, she walked stylishly, while holding her Bible in her hand. With all good intentions i ran towards her shouting "Hello! Hello!!" But she ignored me, determined to get to her I walked faster and finally tapped her on the shoulder mildly, to my greatest surprise, she went ballistic on me screaming, " leave me alone, i don't need you, i don't need a boyfriend, Jesus is my boyfriend," she said at the top of her voice. Almost everyone at the filling station starred at me and it was like the ground should open so I can just bury myself inside. It was so embarrassing because i had no intention of asking her out, especially since i came to get the fuel with my girlfriend who was waiting for me.

Anyways, I summoned the courage to tell her what made me come running after her, "I am not here to ask you to be my girlfriend, I only came to tell you about the cobweb attached to your hair," I said sharply and turned to leave. She checked it with her hands, feeling embarrassed about what she had done, she apologised to me, telling me about how two guys had already made advances at her that evening and how fed up she was with trying to get rid of them. I walked away thinking she could have treated me better.

Some days later I saw her again, she recognized me and apologized again, told me her name was Loveth and she asked for my hands of friendship but I generously turned it down because I still could not shake off the previous embarrassment.

Personally i feel there are better ways to turn down relationship proposals without hurting the feeling of the person be it a lady or a guy. I have heard of some scenarios where the situations escalate because of a lack of proper management of the situation. I remember telling a friend of mine who is more of a rascal about my experience and he asked me why i did not slap the girl. Imagine in a situation where it was him and not me, we would probably still be trying to separate the fight.

So here are a few tips on how best to reject a proposal without creating much of a distaste. Note that you cannot totally avoid hurting people by turning them down, but you can avoid creating a scene if you do it right.

Step 1: Honesty remains the best route to follow. Letting an admirer live in some fantasy that there may be a happy ending with you (when they clearly do not have a chance) will hurt tremendously. Be plain and simple, and avoid ambiguity. If you are sure it is what you want say it and be firm.

Being honest doesn't necessarily mean that you should say, "I don't like you," or, "I can't imagine being with you," sort of thing. Simply state that you value his or her friendship and acknowledge their feelings for you, but you want to keep the things between you neutral. Be direct and honest without being cruel.

Step 2: Avoid excuses that might lead them on. Often times you hear people saying “Now is not a good time for me,” and “I’m interested in someone else”, why these might seem like a great way to let someone down gently, but in reality these excuses can just lead your pursuer to believe that when circumstances change he may still have a chance.

Make it clear that you are not interested in the same way that they are interested in you without any equivocation. Some would say, “I’m just not looking to date right now,” “Maybe it could happen in the future,” but in truth, you just aren’t into the person. What happens when that guy or girl sees you with a new man or lady, walking around on campus or on the street? Your pursuer may feel lied to.

This does not mean you have to say something as harsh as, “I will never, ever, ever like you.” Simply use your head.

Step 3: Do not gossip about your pursuer to your friends. It is bad enough already that you rejected the person, things would become really awkward when they discover that your friends also know that you did. A player (or Flirt) naturally may not mind but someone who has true feelings will be very hurt. Avoid anything that will make things more awkward than it already is.

Step 4: Be in a relationship. This is one of the simplest ways to gain freedom from your pursuer, tell them you are in a relationship. Most people would free you, although not all. Make it clear that you will never cheat on your partner. Ask the person how he or she will feel if you were with him or her and dating another person, you would know if they are sincere with their answers. Nobody likes a serious relationship with a cheat, except it's just a fling or you are not sure of your relationship.

Step 5: Put them in sibling-zone (friendzone). This step is most used when you are friends with the person already for long or someone you are close to. This step is almost the same as friend-zone, but it can be effective in pulling them back to your life, or bring much more pain. You have to play your cards right on this one. Explain that you love them, although not as a lover might, but as kin (Sibling). Now if they value your friendship, they will be very happy to know this. Otherwise, if the person never wants to be only a regular friend or acquaintance, you better follow the first step as well. Give him the time and space he needs to think. Being friend-zoned is hard, mind you.

Finally, You have the permission to say no. Just be smart about it. Be compassionate yet clear. Leave no room for ambiguity. It’s the most caring way you can reject someone. When everything is said and done, there is almost no way for you not to damage your friendship right after you rejected him or her; there are only less hurting methods, like what is stated above. If you already have a boyfriend/girlfriend, tell them that. If the person doesn't concede, then he/she is not that good a friend in the first place. Truly, putting someone in the friend-zone in the hopes of not hurting that person is nearly impossible, unless you are dealing with an incredibly emotionless, robot-like, or at least extremely resilient person. I hope this helps.

Nigeria: The Shattering Of The Buhari Mythology

By Moses E. Ochonu

The reality of leadership has exploded the illusion of Buhari’s messianic abilities and exposed him as a prisoner of power – in other words, as just another politician.

Having been carried to the presidency on a wave of optimism last year, President Muhammadu Buhari’s time in office has been characterised by a trio of crises: an economy on the brink of recession; escalating militancy in the Niger Delta; and worsening power supply.

As the economy has imploded, the only bright spots in Buhari’s first 15 months have been modest gains in the struggle against corruption and the fight against Boko Haram.

The president took amidst a flurry of flamboyant promises, some of them so fantastical and unnecessary that many wondered why Buhari would wrap – and trap – himself in such unsustainable obligations. Elections are about promises, but the now ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) got caught up in its own rhetoric and refused, against all economic indicators, to alter its pledges. As a result the party came to power preoccupied with managing expectations instead of the country.

The unpreparedness that plagued the early months of the Buhari administration – exemplified by the fact it took seven months to name a cabinet – reflected its inability to bear the weight of promises made. And the sense of disillusionment that has now enveloped swathes of Nigeria stems from this unnecessary self-burdening as well as the government’s failure to articulate a compelling vision.

In the course of his short time in office, Buhari’s image as an ascetic and empathetic figure has disappeared, and he has shown a disturbing lack of initiative, creativity and new thinking in government, belying his inspiring pre-election rhetoric.

In momentous elections last year, Nigerians voted the incumbent out of power for the first time ever as millions enthusiastically put their faith in Buhari to transform the country. But sadly, it seems that the optimistic narrative about the former military leader and his first stint of power in 1983-5 these voters were buying into was little more than a myth.

BROKEN PROMISES

Buhari campaigned on a platform of ending waste and restoring probity, efficiency, and transparency. But when opportunities have presented themselves for him to underscore his professed opposition to the profligacy of the 16-year rule of the now-opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Buhari has failed to seize them.

To begin with, Buhari went back on his pledge to sell off some of the ten aircraft that make up the presidential fleet. That reversal may seem trivial, but it proved to be the start of a more brazen disregard for promises made.

For a president whose calling card was transparency and personal integrity, Buhari’s attempt to abandon his promise to publicly declare his assets within his first hundred days in office was perplexing. The president’s media team tried to disavow, dilute, and postpone the promise before sustained public pressure forced him to fulfill it. Yet the released document was a mere summary of his assets, not the declaration form he had submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau. His reluctance and continued failure to make the full form public feeds a perception that the president is insincere.

Earlier this year, this feeling deepened as bureaucrats and the president’s own kitchen cabinet crafted a budget choked full of scandalous allocations to the presidency, ministries and government agencies, including hundreds of millions of Naira for a zoo in the presidential palace and a vice-presidential library budget larger than the library budgets of all but two federally funded higher institutions. When the news broke, Buhari fumed and threatened to punish those he claimed had “padded” the budget with extraneous and unjustified items.

But curiously, the presidency’s spokespeople defended the budget and the punitive action never materialised. A few senior civil servants were redeployed and the final budget still contained many questionable allocations.

Recently, perceptions of the president’s commitment to the ideals on which he ran for the presidency have been further undermined as two illegal recruitment scandals have unfolded in quick succession: one at the Central Bank, the other at the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS).

In both, prominent APC figures and government officials were accused of using their influence to award positions to supporters without due process. In the Central Bank scheme, the president’s own nephew was among the beneficiaries. And in the FIRS scandal, a leaked list contained several individuals linked to “Baba” and “Mama”, codenames that the muckraking news website, Sahara Reporters, speculates refer to the president and his wife.

Buhari has yet to refute this allegation, nor has he commented on the allegations around fraudulent recruitment.

Meanwhile, the president’s chief-of-staff, Abba Kyari, has been accused, along with other prominent officials, of blocking investigations into the fraudulent affairs of Sahara Energy, a local oil company reported to have skimmed billions of dollars off Nigeria’s oil revenues. And the Chief of Army Staff, General Tukur Buratai, and Minister of Internal Affairs, General Abdulrahman Danbazzau, have also been implicated in scandals, with documentary evidence emerging of them acquiring multi-million-dollar real estate well beyond their legitimate incomes. The presidency continues to back them and has not ordered an investigation.

LOST LUSTRE

Along with this drip-drip of scandal and inexplicable inaction, Buhari has added numerous broken promises in other areas.

During the campaign, the president vowed never to raise the price of petrol, to revamp domestic oil refining capacity, and reduce the price of fuel at the pump, an item upon which the price of everything else hinges in Nigeria’s petrol-driven economy. Buhari also promised never to devalue the naira, thumping his nose at pragmatic counsel that argued the currency should not be artificially propped up at a time when Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings had dwindled.

But the president has since broken both promises, raising the price of petrol from N85 to N145 a litre, and allowing the Nigerian Central Bank to float the Naira against major currencies. Inflation, which had already eclipsed all projected baselines due to the government’s restrictions on foreign exchange and arbitrary import restrictions, has soared.

This eventuality was perhaps inevitable, but the question many are asking is: why did Nigerians have to go through a year of painful economic restrictions, stagnation and inflation only for the government to embrace the pragmatic path of currency devaluation it earlier rejected?

This unexplained U-turn reeks of confusion, indecision, and experimentation on the part of the government. Nigeria seems to have become one giant economic laboratory where Buhari and his economic managers are lurching awkwardly from one idea to another in the hope that one of them works – all at the expense of a Nigerian people increasingly impoverished in an environment of policy uncertainty and outmoded economic measures.

As a candidate for the presidency, Buhari was renowned for his ascetic lifestyle and austere simplicity. But as president, this image is in peril too. Despite his pledge to put an end to health tourism, he recently spent (as the presidency confirmed) £6 million ($8 million) of Nigeria’s money at a time of revenue squeeze to treat an ear infection in London.

From the heights of modesty, Buhari has descended into self-indulgence and now resembles an ostentatious stereotype of the self-absorbed African autocrat. When he returns from his overseas trips, he is welcomed back to the country with elaborate and expensive airport ceremonies complete with military parades, Scottish kilts, and bagpipes that remind one of Idi Amin’s outlandish neo-imperial buffoonery. No one thought that we would be seeing this re-enactment in 2016, let alone by a president with a reputation for being a simple man of the masses.

In his election campaign, Buhari also presented a conciliatory, even self-deprecatory, demeanour. Yet this image as an avuncular and wise statesman has been undone by his blustery, self-righteous anger in office, as he has taken a law-and-order, take-no-prisoners approach to all problems – even those requiring tact and negotiating acumen.

When the Nigerian army massacred hundreds of Shiites in Zaria, the president waxed belligerent and blamed the victims for creating “a state within a state”, provoking the army, and bringing calamity upon themselves. It took Buhari several weeks after the Agatu massacre in March to issue, through his media team, a tepid statement devoid of compassion. And his only response to date to the killing of unarmed Biafra agitators by the armed forces was to dismiss their agitation without even a word about the impropriety of confronting unarmed demonstrators with maximum military force.

Furthermore, before Niger Delta militants demonstrated their sophisticated ability to destroy surface, subterranean, and underwater oil pipelines, the president was threatening a scorched earth response to their renewed insurgency and ordering a military invasion of communities suspected to be harbouring the militants.

BUHARI AND THE MURTALA MYTHOLOGY

In The Trouble with Nigeria , Chinua Achebe’s little analytical book on Nigeria’s socioeconomic and political dysfunction, the great author writes about Murtala Mohammed, Nigeria’s military ruler in the mid-1970s who was assassinated only six months into his regime. By time of his demise, Achebe contends, the messianic aura that once surrounded Murtala had already begun to wane, but the late leader was, to quote commentator Chris Ngwodo, “immortalized by an early death or saved by martyrdom from eventual odium.”

Murtala, according to Achebe, did not live long enough to commit the inevitable errors of military men who try to manage a complex society with a regimented military philosophy. Instead, he suggests that Murtala’s premature death elevated him to a mythical status, generating a rarely-challenged or scrutinised nostalgia that fetishised his tough, anti-corruption stance.

Like Murtala, Buhari ruled only for a short time in his first stint in power from 1983-5, during which he made some errors common to military leaders. But he did not rule long enough to fully prove himself either competent or incompetent and for the full effect of his draconian policies to manifest. As a result, even though some celebrated his ouster, many others were ambivalent and yearned for the order and discipline – real and imagined – that Buhari’s military regime brought after years of chaotic civilian rule.

This feeling intensified during the corrupt regime of Ibrahim Babangida, Buhari’s successor, as some Nigerians who had hated being corralled and infantalised by Buhari’s soldiers and policies came to believe that a strong man might be what Nigeria needed after all.

Buhari was reimagined in the public consciousness, his regime mythologised as a rare period of competent governance, and as time passed, many began to wonder aloud what Nigeria would be like if Buhari’s military regime had not been overthrown. Perhaps, some suggested, Nigeria would be another South Korea and corruption would be a thing of the past.

An elastic myth of counterfactual assumptions was born around the military man. And this myth, which papered over his misdeeds and deficiencies, grew further as Nigeria continued to struggle, including from 1999 to 2015 as the PDP frittered away the country’s resources. Goodluck Jonathan’s misrule magnified Buhari’s mythical competence, whitewashed his inadequacies, and finally enabled his victory in last year’s elections.

With Buhari improvising aimlessly and looking confused and ill-prepared in office, some supporters are now saying that it would have perhaps been better if he had never won. That, they argue, would have preserved the myth of his competence, which is now unravelling. It would have enabled him to remain the philosopher and custodian of political morality they imagined him to be, a transcendental figure unmoored to and above the messy contestations of politics and the complicated art of governance that he has failed to master.

These disheartened individuals lament the fact that political exigencies, the intricacies of power, and elite manipulations have soiled Buhari’s reputation, exploded the illusion of his messianic abilities, and exposed him as a prisoner of power – in other words, as just another politician.

For if his second stint in power has proven anything so far, it is that. If Buhari has done well in combating Boko Haram and corruption, however incomplete and imperfect these efforts are, his record on the economy overshadows all else.

After little more than a year, the wondrous myths around Buhari and his first spell in office have been shattered. In their place, realisations about his economic rigidity and lack of thoughtful policymaking – then as now – are re-emerging.

Moses E. Ochonu is Professor of African History at Vanderbilt University, US.

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DAILY SPRINGS: Thankfulness; Through Humanity

By Emmanuel Chiedu SB | 

When I was a little boy, I learnt that every food and offering brought to the alter during thanksgiving belonged to God, and these includes bags of rice, bunches of plantain, and money, of which part of was coins which was popular back then as offerings.

Eventually I began to wonder how God will eat all of the food and money, so I did something stupid. I took a ladder and climbed the fence of the preacher's house where the food was always being taken to, I could hardly see God, but I saw a glimpse of a store where the food was being taken into. As I struggled to see further, I fell from the ladder.

Months later, after long observation, I discovered that the foods and beverages where eaten by the preacher. Majority of us as adults know our thanksgivings to God go directly to the preachers, but that does not in anyway diminish the fact that they are to God.

How often do we give to God? Is it only on Sundays, or monthly during tithes? How often do you give to the needy? Do you know that to give God is to give man?

I can quote tons of Bible verses I am sure you must have heard previously, but choose not to. All you need to know is that by giving we receive. When we give, we move one step forward, God in return gives us 99 more steps through Grace to continue marching on.

Thankfulness is a mental and verbal expression of one's acknowledgement and appreciation of God's person, his Grace, Blessings and sovereign work in one's life and the world.

God's greatest commandments were to love God and love your neighbour as yourself. Some people feel that only those who are rich should give. But in truth, no one is excluded. Don't wait till Sunday to give, don't wait till you are in church, don't wait till month end. When you give something and it doesn't feel like something parted from you then that's not giving.

Giving can be in church, your neighbours, your co-workers, persons you don't know and even to give something to your boss. The word humanity is from the Latin humanitas for "human nature, kindness.”

Pope John Paul II said, "Nobody is so poor he has nothing to give, and nobody is so rich he has nothing to receive," for giving makes us human. 

Leadership Lessons From Keshi

By Olaboludele Simoyan |

“People who work together will win, whether it be against complex football defenses, or the problems of modern society” – Vince Lombardi

Great Nigerian football icon Stephen Keshi began his journey to eternity two days ago. Over the last 35 years he had tremendous influence on the game of football in Nigeria and Africa. A leadership guru, John Maxwell once said that “Leadership is influence. Nothing more, nothing less. The true measure of leadership is influence.”Therefore it is safe to say that Keshi had remarkable leadership skills that influenced generations of football players in Nigeria and Africa over a thirty five- year period. He was undoubtedly one of the most influential persons in the history of the game of football in Nigeria and Africa.

One thing we need to learn as a people and a nation is that we must continuously and consistently be on the quest for leadership lessons from fellow Nigerians (Africans) who have distinguished themselves in their various areas of influence and expertise. Stephen Keshi is a Nigerian and African football legend. He had great leadership skills that was so apparent to his fellow Super Eagles team mates who nick named him the “BIG BOSS”.

I will be sharing with you some of the leadership lessons I have learnt from Keshi’s life. And as Nigerians, we all can learn one or two leadership lessons from the leader in Keshi. The leader in Keshi had a NEVER-SAY-DIE ATTITUDE. He was persistent and he persevered through so many challenges. One was in 1985 when he was banned from the Nigerian national team. That didn’t stop him from playing professional football. He just looked for another country that would accept him to play football as a professional and that country was Cote d’Ivoire.True leaders never ever give up. They have a NEVER-SAY-DIE ATTITUDE.

The leader in Keshi had BIG DREAMS and was AMBITIOUS. He had a VISION and many GOALS for himself, his team and the players he coached. He had a dream to play football internationally. That was why he went to several countries pursuing his dreams. He took his football career first to Cote d’Ivoire and then to Belgium and France. He also had a dream to be an international coach.

He saw himself as one. He moved to the United States of America and there he worked hard and studied hard to become a coach. He coached three different African national teams in his lifetime – Togo, Mali and Nigeria. The leader in Keshi believed in TEAMWORK. He was a TEAM PLAYER and a TEAM LEADER. His Super Eagles teammates called him “BIG BOSS” because of the exceptionalleadership skills he exhibitedas a player and also for his ability to get the work done through his team. He inspired, motivated and mobilized the Super Eagles team to victory both as a captain and a coach. He was also a team builder.

The leader in Keshi was FOCUSED and RESULT ORIENTED. He was in the team that won the 1994 AFCON Cup. He was the game changer who helped the Super Eagles to qualify for their first ever appearance in the FIFA World Cup in 1994 that took place in the USA.He did that in spite of the fact that he was the oldest player in the team at that time. The leader in Keshi did what Nigerians and other people thought was IMPOSSIBLE.

When the Super Eagles were going to South Africa to play in the 2013 AFCON tournament, many Nigerian football fans did not give Keshi or the team a chance. Nonetheless, Keshi did the impossible and inspired the super Eagles to victory. He set the example by always giving over and above 100% and he carried the team in that light. He was selfless in his pursuit to bring out the best in the SUPER EAGLES.

The leader in Keshi was a PATHFINDER and DOOR OPENER. He was also a DREAM MAKER. He was a helper of destiny for numerous others. He opened the flood gate of opportunities for fellow players. He was a pathfinder for Nigerian football migrants. He opened the door to Europe and international professional football for Nigerian players such as Samson Siasia, Daniel Amokachi, and so many others such as Ghanaian player Nii Lamptey. And as a result of that many of them were extremely successful in their football careers.

Keshi was hard working, big-hearted, committed, frank and resolute in getting the job done. He was a mobilizer which helped him to get the job done in spite of the outrageous obstacles and challenges he faced. The leader in Keshi had a LARGE-HEART. He loved his wife dearly. And he loved his children dearly. He loved the game of football. And He loved playing football.

He loved his teammates. And he loved his players. He loved the Super Eagles. And he loved playing as a member of the Super Eagles team. He loved wearing the green and white Nigerian jersey. And he loved playing for his country. He loved Nigerians. And he loved his nation Nigeria. Everything he did he tried his best to do out of a heart of love

The leader Keshi BELIEVED in his players and brought out the BEST in them especially the home-based players. He had a special place in his heart for home based players. He was the second coach to consistently use home based players in the Super Eagles, international tournaments. Clement Westerhof was the first national coach to the Super Eagles to do that.Leadership expert John Maxwell also said “Leaders are meant to help others become the people God created them to be.”True leaders BELIEVE in their people and they bring out the BEST in them.

The leader in Keshi was a GROUND BREAKER, PACESETTER and a TRAIL BLAZER. He was the first Nigerian and the second African to win the African Cup of Nations tournament both as a player and as a coach. On his watch in 2013, Nigeria won the African Cup of Nation trophy and qualified for the FIFA World Cup finals that same year. Keshi was the first African coach to qualify two African country’s national football teams for the FIFA World Cup finals (i.e. Togo and Nigeria). He was the first Nigerian and second coach to take the Super Eagles to the second round of the FIFA World Cup. He was the first and only black African coach to coach a national team in the knockout stage of the World Cup.True leaders are GROUND BREAKERS, PACESETTERS and TRAIL BLAZERS.These are leadership lessons from Stephen Keshi. He indeed was a true leader.

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Are Africans The Violent Race?

By Charles Anyomi

Several years ago as a young student, I watched on TV news about conflicts and violence in Africa, and while today, I have become an adult, the news about Africa has not changed much.

In June 2016, UK-based newspaper, The Guardian, published a story claiming violence has erupted again in South Sudan with dozens killed and more than 70,000 displaced in horrific attacks in an ethnic conflict over land and power between the Dinka who are South Sudan’s largest ethnic group and the Fartit who form the majority of the local population around Wau.

Indeed, there are similar stories of violence across the continent of Africa chronicled in our newspapers and published online. The international development organisation, ID21, pointed out that no less than 28 sub-Saharan African states have been at civil war since 1980. There have been over 9 million refugees and internally displaced people from conflicts in Africa. Hundreds and thousands of people have been slaughtered from a number of conflicts and civil wars.

Too often, when one wakes up in the morning to hear or watch news of violence about Africa, one begins to wonder if the black man is created the violent race.

The world has not forgotten about the Rwandan genocide; the mass slaughter of Tutsi by members of the Hutu in which an estimated 500,000- 1,000,000 Rwandans were killed, and an estimated two million were displaced and became refugees. The Darfur conflict in which about 200,000 people have been killed and as many as 2.5 million people displaced because of the conflict between the Janjaweed and a number of rebel armies. The Liberian conflict which had more than 250,000 people killed and nearly one million displaced, and the Sierra Leone civil war which left between 50,000- 300,000 killed and 2.5 million displaced internally and externally.

Right here in Ghana, we have seen conflicts over ethnicity and land ownership as well as over who has rights to assume certain chieftaincies.

Nanumba-Kokomba, Nkonya -Alavanyo, Kokomba versus Gonja, Damgomba, Nanumba, Gonja versus Vagla as well as the fighting between the Andani and Abudu clans in the Dangbon traditional area and the unrest in Bawku which has seen longstanding tensions between Mamprusis and Kusasis, are examples.
There have recently been numerous political violence and conflicts going on in Africa including Zimbabwe, Mali, Cote d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso and Kenya.

The pervading incidence of rising tensions when African countries are about to go to the polls to elect a president are always there. Elections in Africa are usually characterised by violence where peace and security are threatened. The fear of chaos, anarchy and bloodshed remain because the outcome of the elections could result in violence and conflict.

Sadly, the culture of violence in Africa where the youth of the continent are carelessly armed with machetes, sticks, stones, AK 47 assault rifles, automatic pump action guns and sub-machine guns and cause destruction to lives and property becomes an unending business. We are daily awakening to realities of ethno-political tensions, insecurities, barbaric killings and horror signs of anarchy on the continent.

Now, while young people elsewhere on the globe are finding paths, discovering new frontiers, making waves and blazing trails in technological advancement and building better future for themselves and their communities; disappointingly, the energy and time of the young people in Africa are channelled into fighting and shedding innocent blood. African youths are busily destroying schools which were built to educate them as well as hospitals meant to save lives.

Perhaps, the real truth may be that Africans are not created violent, but we have become violent because of poverty. Poverty is the primary cause of violence on the continent generating instability and underdevelopment.

African youths join gangs and rebel groups because of unemployment. Therefore, African governments must do more in solving the rising rate of unemployment situation on the continent by creating the enabling environment for industrialisation. Power or electricity which industries thrive upon must be made available and cheap for businesses to expand and create more jobs and employments for the teeming youths across the continent. Governments across the continent must also formulate right policies in the interest of the private sector to grow the African economies to generate jobs and employment.
African governments must be more transparent and accountable to the people.

Those serving in public offices must be accountable on how they run their yearly expenses and spend public funds. Governments must also fight and reduce corruption. We must build strong institutions and set up monitoring teams to scrutinise private and public establishments. Greedy attitudes and tendencies among our politicians and public officials must be tackled.

Education tends to reduce violence as the more time people spend in school, the less violent they are likely to become. Schools don’t just teach history and mathematics; they teach people how to live in society. In view of this truth, African governments must invest more into education and build more vocational and technical schools that will train and equip young people with skills to be self-employed after school. School enrolment right from the primary to the university must be made accessible and affordable to all. Teaching and learning materials must be made available to provide quality education.

July 29,1966 Counter-Coup: Africa’s Bloodiest Coup D’état

By Chuks Iloegbunam

The first shots shattered the peace of the night at the Abeokuta Garrison of the Nigerian Army a few minutes after midnight on July 29, 1966.

Three casualties lay instantly dead in the persons of Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel Okonweze, the Garrison Commander, Major John Obienu, Commander of the 2nd Reece Squadron, and Lieutenant E. B. Orok, also of the Reece Squadron. It was the beginning of the much-touted revenge coup of Northern Nigerian army officers and men against the regime of Major General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi.

By August 1, when Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon assumed power in Lagos as Nigeria’s second military Head of State, the bullet ridden bodies of both Ironsi and his host, Lieutenant Colonel Francis Adekunle Fajuyi, the military Governor of Western Nigeria, lay buried in shallow graves at Iwo, outside Ibadan.

“Within three days of the July outbreak, every Igbo soldier serving in the army outside the East was dead, imprisoned or fleeing eastward for his life”, observed Professor Ruth First in The Barrel of a Gun: The Politics of Coups d’Etat in Africa [Allen Lane The Penguin Press, London, 1970, p317.]

But Africa’s bloodiest coup did not stop at that stage, despite the shooting deaths of 42 officers and over 130 other ranks, who were overwhelmingly Igbo. The killing sprees and ever-expanding killing fields spread like wild fire across most of the country. There were three phases to the coup – the Araba /Aware massacres in northern Nigeria pre-July that called for northern secession, the July Army bloodbath, and the ethnic cleansing that went on for months after Ironsi had been assassinated and his regime toppled. The maelstrom prompted Colonel Gowon into making a radio broadcast on September 29, 1966.

This was the kernel of what he said: “You all know that since the end of July, God in his power has entrusted the responsibility of this great country of ours into the hands of yet another Northerner. I receive complaints daily that up till now Easterners living in the North are being killed and molested, and their property looted. I am very unhappy about this. We should put a stop to it. It appears that it is going beyond reason and is now at a point of recklessness and irresponsibility.”
Salutary intervention

But Gowon’s salutary intervention changed nothing, as the massacres continued unabated. Northern soldiers and civilians went into towns, fished out Easterners and flattened them either with rapid gunfire or with violent machete blows, leaving their properties looted or torched.

According to the Massacre of Ndigbo in 1966: Report of the Justice G. C. M. Onyiuke Tribunal , [Tollbrook Limited, Ikeja, Lagos] “…between 45,000 and 50,000 civilians of former Eastern Nigeria were killed in Northern Nigeria and other parts of Nigeria from 29th May 1966 to December 1967 and although it is not strictly within its terms of reference the Tribunal estimates that not less than 1,627,743 Easterners fled back to Eastern Nigeria as a result of the 1966 pogrom.”
Counter-coup

This is contemporary Nigerian history, only 50 years old. But when experts like Dr. Reuben Abati and Professor Jonah Elaigwu write about it, they lose all sense of numeracy and statistical acuity, and glibly state that the July 29, 1966 counter-coup cost “many” Igbo lives.

Well, the truth is that the July 29 counter-coup appears to be the bloodiest in the world’s recorded history because the casualty figures it posted far outstrip those registered in decided bloody coups like the Glorious Revolution of 1688 in which King James II of England was overthrown by an invading army led by William III of Orange-Nassau; the 18 Brumaire of 1799 coup in which General Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the French Directory on November 9, 1799; the Wuchang Uprising of 1911 that overthrew the Qing Dynasty and led to the establishment of the Republic of China; the Bolsheviks October Revolution of 1917 that led to the creation of the Soviet Union; and the Iraqi coup d’état of 1936, the first among Arab countries. Each of these coups/revolutions led to war. But none of them managed anything near the sea of blood occasioned by July 29, 1966.

Giving their interest in posting photographs and videos on the Internet by Instagram and Snapchat, and advertising mostly poor language on Facebook and other such portals, today’s Nigerian youths may know next to nothing about what led to the catastrophe of July 29. But the details follow here for those of them interested in learning.

The problem sat rigidly on the superficiality of Nigeria, a geographical expression contrived by colonialist Britain. At Independence in 1960, the country operated a federal system of government with three powerful regions that didn’t take dictation from Lagos, the nation’s capital. A fourth region, the Midwest, with capital in Benin City, was created in June 1963.

But destroying the very fabric of the artificial political entity were tribalism and corruption, corruption which by today’s standards, would seem like cloistered nuns delightfully engaging in a game of Ping-Pong!

CONTROVERSIAL CENSUS

There were the 1960 and 1964-1965 uprisings in the Tiv country of the Middle Belt, and fractious elections in Western Nigeria in 1964 and 1965. There was the highly controversial national census exercise of 1963, and there was the military action of Isaac Boro’s Niger Delta Volunteer Force.

Then, the military moved in on January 15, 1966, having contracted the germ of the idea of military putsches running riot across the world. In Algeria, for instance, Colonel Houari Boumediene and Ahmed Ben Bella overthrew Benyoucef Benkhedda on July 3, 1962.

Three years later, on June 19, 1965, Boumedienne overthrew Ben Bella. More: In Argentina, General Eduardo Lonardi overthrew President Juan Domingo Peron on September 16, 1955. On March 29, 1962, General Raul Pogi overthrew President Arturo Frondizi. In Brazil on March 31, 1964, Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco overthrew João Goulart to set up a 21-year-long dictatorship. In Indonesia General Suharto overthrew President Sukarno on September 30, 1965.

FIRST WEST AFRICAN COUP

Inside Africa itself, coups were also trending. Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser had overthrown Muhammad Naguib as far back as February 27, 1954. The first coup in West Africa was on January 13, 1963, when Etiene Eyadema overthrew Sylvanus Olympio. Colonel Joseph (later Mobutu Sese Seko) toppled Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba on September 14, 1960 and “neutralized” all political parties in Congo-Kinshasa. In neighbouring Benin Republic, Christophe Soglo overthrew Hubert Maga on October 28, 1963. Soglo carried out another coup on November 27, 1965, toppling Sourou-Migan Apithy.
Both coups happened when the country still bore the name of Dahomey.

On New Year’s Day of 1966, Colonel Jean-Bedel Bokassa overthrew his cousin, President David Dacko in Central Africa Republic. Two days later, Lieutenant Colonel Sangoulé Lamizana overthrew President Maurice Yaméogo in Upper Volta, which was renamed Burkina Faso in 1984 by Marxist revolutionary Captain Thomas Sankara.

But there was a difference between the rash of coups that occurred elsewhere and the one of January 15, 1966 in Nigeria. The Nigerian coup took an immediate ethnic colouration, and for reasons that were all too obvious. Of the five Majors that formed the innermost circle of the plotters, four were Igbo – Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emmanuel Arinze Ifeajuna, Donatus Okafor, and Chris Anuforo. But there was also among them Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba. Then, there was also the more disturbing fact that most of the coup’s casualties were non-Igbo, like Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Northern Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello, Western Premier Chief Samuel Akintola, and Federal Finance Minister Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh. No Igbo politician had lost his life in the bloody action.

Further, in executing the coup, the military had turned against itself in the killings of the following Northern military officers: Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari (Commander 2 Brigade), Colonel Kur Mohammed (Chief of Staff, Army Headquarters), Lieutenant Colonel James Yakubu Pam (Adjutant-General), and Lieutenant Colonel Lieutenant Colonel Abogo Largema (Commander 4th Battalion, Ibadan). Two Yoruba officers were also victims: Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun (Commander 1 Brigade), and his deputy, Colonel Ralph Sodeinde. The coup was, in effect, as bloody as they come. Its very nature fanned the fiction that it was an Igbo coup.

Chuks Iloegbunam (iloegbunam@hotmail.com), is the author of Ironside, the biography of General Aguiyi-Ironsi.

STOP SABOTAGING YOUR HEALTHY HABITS

By Maje Ayida,

You exercise regularly, eat your fruits and veggies and never miss an annual exam, and it’s paying off. You look and feel great! But even though you’re fit and healthy right now, that doesn’t necessarily mean your daily so-called “good” habits will help you maintain your wellbeing into the future. Read on to learn about the mistakes you may be making, and how you can avoid them. Your future self is sure to thank you!

YOU DON’T “STRESS EAT” AT THE OFFICE BUT…YOU DON’T TAKE TIME TO DECOMPRESS AFTER WORK

You manage to eat healthy at work, which is pretty impressive – especially on super stressful days – but you’ve got to let off some steam somehow. If you don’t, it could lead to chronically elevated cortisol levels, causing sleep and immunity problems, blood-sugar abnormalities and weight gain.How should you chillax (I’m not sure I’m comfortable with this word)? Stress relief is very individualized, so what helps your BFF relax may not work for you. Give a few different tactics a try and see what works best for you. Practicing yoga, meeting up with friends and unplugging from technology for an evening are all things worth a shot.

YOU EAT A HEALTHY DINNER BUT… YOU DON’T GO TO SLEEP EARLY ENOUGH

We give you props for making the time to cook up a healthy meal, but if you stay up late at night watching TV or buried in your social media feed, you may be counteracting some of your hard work in the kitchen. Most of us don’t get enough shut eye. Over time, this can lead to weight gain, anxiety, depression and insulin resistance – which can trigger type 2 diabetes, high blood pressure and heart disease. On the other hand, a good night’s rest fuels the production of fat-burning hormones, so logging a solid seven or eight hours of shut eye each evening should be a priority, especially if you’re trying to maintain a healthy weight or drop a few pounds.

YOU DON’T STRAY FROM YOUR NEW DIET BUT…YOU DON’T COMPENSATE FOR ITS NUTRITIONAL RESTRICTIONS

If you’ve just hopped on the Paleo or low-carb bandwagon, proceed with caution! Often diets that cut out entire food groups do not allow for the balance and moderation we need to follow a healthy, lifelong eating plan. Plus, dieters who follow these plans may be prone to potentially dangerous nutritional deficiencies. Or you may simply get bored with your restricted plan and end up overeating down the road.

YOU MAKE HOME-COOKED MEALS BUT…YOUR PORTIONS ARE BIGGER THAT A RESTAURANTS

Just because your meal is healthy doesn’t mean you don’t have to practice portion control. Remember, even virtuous foods have calories! Half of your plate should be filled with veggies and the remaining half should hold a cellphone-sized serving of lean protein, a fist-sized serving of grains and a bit of fat no larger than the size of your pointer finger.

You Go To The Doctor But…you Don’t Get Tested For Nutritional Deficiencies

Although you may get scanned for high cholesterol or diabetes at your annual exam, they don’t typically test or look for physical signs of nutritional deficiencies – which can be dangerous! Have your vitamin D levels checked if nothing else. Many people are deficient and don’t even know it, and not getting enough may increase the risk of osteoporosis, heart disease and certain types of cancer.

YOU STEER CLEAR OF TRANS FATS BUT…YOU KEEP HEALTHY FATS OFF YOUR PLATE TOO

You know that eating trans fats can increase your risk of heart disease, weight gain and stroke, so you’re smart to stay away. But not all fats need to make your “do not eat” list. Consuming healthy fats like flax seeds and nuts can actually help you slim down and stay healthy. Fats not only help you absorb many of the vitamins from your diets, but they also help keep you fuller longer, which can aid weight loss efforts.Try consuming one serving of healthy fats each time you sit down to eat. This could be 1/4 cup of almonds or walnuts, some sautéed veggies cooked with a tablespoon of olive oil or a few slices of avocado.

YOU ORDER A VIRTUOUS-SOUNDING RESTAURANT DISH BUT… YOU DON’T ASK HOW IT’S COOKED

Chefs often add fat and salt to make meals taste better – but these ingredients aren’t necessarily something they advertise on the menu. Since you’ve already taken such care to choose a meal that sounds healthy, take the extra step and ask your server if there is any cream or butter in your dish. If there is, ask for your veggies and meats to be cooked dry and have sauces come on the side so you control how much ends up on your plate. You can save up to 1,000 calories at each meal by making this simple request!

YOU WATCH YOUR CALORIE INTAKE BUT…YOU IGNORE SODIUM

Your favorite trail mix only has 150-calories, but did you check to see how much sodium is lurking inside the package? All too often, those who aren’t suffering from a health condition overlook that part of the nutrition label. People consume, on average, about 50 percent more than the daily-recommended intake of salt, and most of the excess sodium is coming from processed foods. Sticking to The Institute of Medicine’s daily recommendation of 2,300mg per day or less can help you keep a bloated belly, high blood pressure and other health conditions at bay.

YOU CHOOSE “DIET” TREATS BUT…YOU NEVER INDULGE IN THE REAL DEAL

If every time you have a cookie craving you buy a low-fat package, you may be doing your body a disservice. Not only are diet foods typically filled with enough sugar to derail even the most disciplined dieter, but these faux sweet treats are also made with additives that can make you feel unsatisfied. In turn, you’ll likely consume far more calories than you intended. To stay trim, eat the real thing, but downsize your portion. If you love ice cream, for example, skip the fro-yo and have a small scoop of premium.
Good luck out there!

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VIEWPOINT: Back To The Ekwueme Constitution

By C. Don Adinuba

One of the most perplexing paradoxes in today’s Nigeria is the strident campaign for the adoption of the report of the 2014 national dialogue on the Nigerian condition organised by the Goodluck Jonathan administration as the basis of a new constitution. Even people who should know better have joined the bandwagon, showing that many Nigerians just go with the flow. Mental rigour remains a commodity in awfully short supply in the Nigerian public space. The most critical objective for the campaign for Nigeria’s structural redesign since the mid-1990s is to reduce the number of states from 36 to about 6, so as to, among other factors, free the economy from perennial paralysis arising out of the humongous annual recurrent expenditure at all levels. But the 2014 Conference agreed that the number of states should, in fact, balloon from 36 to 54.

The delegates believed that Nigeria, whose 28 out of the 36 states cannot pay workers’ salary, should have the highest number of states throughout the globe, four more than the United States, the world’s wealthiest nation which has 50 states and a population of 300 million. This recommendation highlights the emptiness of the Nigerian political class. Still, some people who delight in being called social critics and statesmen have of late been trumpeting the 2014 Conference Report as Nigeria’s only hope for survival whereas it actually sounds the country’s death knell. Pray, how can Nigeria survive for up to six months with some 54 states?

High-minded people recognise the enormity of power conferred on Nigeria’s centre, observing it is a principal cause of the country’s socioeconomic underdevelopment. And a major reason for the concentration of power at the centre is the large numbers of states. In other words, the more states are balkanised to create other states, the more they become dependent on the Federal Government. And yet the people who complain that the centre is too powerful are the same individuals and groups pushing for the 2014 Conference Report which advocates as many as 18 more states to be created in one fell swoop!

The truth is that the death of the report was foretold ab initio. Besides the fact that there is no law creating the 2014 Conference, it never had legitimacy or moral authority. All the almost 500 delegates were appointed by one single individual. This is not tenable in a democracy in the 21st century. And those asking President Muhammadu Buhari to adopt and implement the report should know that the Constitution does not vest such power in the president. Interestingly, those who advocate Buhari’s implementation of the report frequently accuse the president of dictatorial tendencies.

Nigeria needs to be redesigned. Much of the work has mercifully already been caught out, as can be gleaned from the 1995 Constitution which is sometimes called the Ekwueme Constitution because its key differentiating features were canvassed by former Vice President Alex Ekwueme at the 1994/5 Constitutional Conference in Abuja. The major differentiating contents of the 1995 Constitution are the division of the country into geopolitical zones, the adoption of the zones as the federating units, rotational presidency, one term of five or six years for the president and each state governor which is not renewable, increase in the use of the derivation principle from 3 to 13%, etc.

Sani Abacha had begun to implement the 1995 Constitution, as shown by his creation of six states in 1996, with each zone getting one new state. One good thing about the zones is that it makes for equity and stability. It divides the South into three zones and the North into another three zones. Nigeria began as an amalgamation between the North and the South.

It is regrettable that Afenifere leaders coerced Abdulsalami Abubakar into jettisoning the 1995 Constitution and replacing it with the 1979 Constitution. Afenifere leaders felt that since the 1995 Constitution was drawn up under Abacha who was justifiably considered an enemy, it must be rejected, even though Abacha had practically no input in it. It was a case of throwing away both the baby and the bath water. Abubakar was desperate to have the Yoruba participate in his transition to civil rule programme, and so capitulated to the Afeniferi demand. He acquiesced to the demand that the 1979 Constitution be brought back. This is why there are almost no differences between the 1979 and 1999 constitutions.

The few differences lie in such matters as the establishment of the National Judicial Commission and the increase in the use of the derivation principle from 3 to 13% in the revenue allocation formula because the chairman of the committee set up by Abdulsalami to look into the adoption of the 1979 Constitution, Justice Niki Tobi, an indigene of oil-rich Delta State, insisted on its retention from the Ekwueme Constitution.

Ironically, the Afenifere leaders who made jettisoning the 1995 Constitution and its replacement with the 1979 Constitution their condition for participation in the transition programme are the same people now accusing the Abubakar military junta of imposing the 1999 Constitution on Nigerians – and many otherwise perceptive Nigerians believe the propaganda stunt!

Nigeria needs a new constitution to meet its new challenges. Only people directly elected by the citizens can have the mandate to undertake such a sacred enterprise as designing or reforming a constitution in a fundamental sense. Though some critical national issues have been addressed by the 1995 Constitution, one matter which should not be overlooked is the imperative for multiple vice presidency. It was about the only issue which Ekwueme spiritedly but unsuccessfully fought to include in the 1995 Constitution. Ekwueme argued that there should be six vice presidents, with each zone, including the home zone of the president, supplying one. In the event of the president dying in office or resigning or removal from office, the vice president from his zone will complete the term of the president.

Nigeria needs a new constitution or a comprehensively reformed one. The states as currently constituted and local government areas cannot have a place in the new constitution. The idea of a so-called third or fourth tier of government is a misnomer. The 1995 Constitution, otherwise known as the Ekwueme Constitution, provides the starting point for a new Nigeria.

Adinuba is head of Discovery Public Affairs Consulting.

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Where Are Africa’s Youths?

By Zuriel Oduwole

Africa’s youths have all the tools at our disposal to tell a new kind of African story – IPhones, Social Media, Internet as our canvas, so we have a very big voice

Hello and Happy Summer months to you all. I am very excited but maybe a little scared as well, not because I don’t like summer, but because of this – I am writing my very first editorial for any newspaper or magazine anywhere in the world. So, I’m excited, and a little scared at the same time.

Some would wonder why I am scared. After all, at the age of nine, I met and interviewed President Jerry Rawlings, who is kind of still an enigma to many on the African continent, or that maybe by age 10, I had started my Dream Up Speak Up Stand Up project to talk to Africa’s Girls especially in rural areas about the importance of getting a good education, and staying in school till at least 18. Or even maybe that by age 12, I had made my first film that showed in 2 cinemas in Lagos, and also showed in Ghana, South Africa, London – England and Tokyo – Japan.

So why am I not writing about movie making or public speaking, since I have spoken to more than 24,500 youths in 11 countries or met more than 18 Presidents & Prime Ministers. Well, it is because I am looking for Africa’s youth. Why, because they are the ones who can change the future of Africa.

A little bit about myself, so perhaps you might understand why I’m looking. My dad is from Nigeria and my mom is from Mauritius, so that makes me a Pan African child. I was born in Los Angeles. This gives me a clear American perspective to things, and opens my eyes wider to many global issues, especially how the rest of the world looks at Africa, where my roots are from. So in all my projects and travels, I always look at Africa, because I see it as a continent that is often painted in a negative light, but I also see this as an opportunity for the young generation to rescue it from this negative perception.

Africa’s youths have all the tools at our disposal to tell a new kind of African story – IPhones, Social Media, Internet as our canvas, so we have a very big voice. But when I run into some youths, in Ethiopia, in Nigeria, in Ghana, in Tanzania, in South Africa, Ghana and even in the UK, I see there are two kinds generally. Those who were born on the continent, and just want to leave the continent very fast, and those who were born out of the continent, and never want to visit the continent.

I am in Africa a lot especially Nigeria, and I see a lot of these there. If I ask them for example where they are from – and by that I meant their states of origin so we can maybe design something for that region, the first thing they say is I’m from Chicago, or I was born in New York. That means they don’t want to identify with Nigeria or Africa. So I ask myself how did this happen. Yes they were born in Chicago or New York, but why don’t they want to have anything to do with Nigeria, or Africa. Sometimes, when I read the papers and see what Africa’s adults are doing like not wanting to leave as Presidents when their time is up, or keeping things that belong to everyone, then I understand a little why the global media say the negative things about Africa, and maybe why these youths want nothing to do with Africa.But still, where are the rest of the youths who would use the power of social media to change the perception of Africa, one country at a time.

My parents always told me and my 3 younger siblings when we were little that we were born in the US, but we must remember where our roots are from, and at every opportunity, we must help when we can. So when I am in Africa, I look for other youths, and somehow I expect them to think like this also.

Like most youths, I like to play and have fun too. I like movies like Madea and James Bond Series, I like music like Bruno Mars and P-Square [only E-No Easy], and I enjoy my X-box games too. But I know that I have a lot of other things to do aside of these things. Like for example, I started a Foundation last December to help manage some of my Education and Skills transfer ideas. Earlier this month, I was in Lagos to teach kids in Makoko basic film making skills, and they loved it. Last month, I helped open a library in Abuja in a government school, where there was none before, and in February, I was teaching unemployed youths in Namibia film making

My parents are not special in any way, and neither am I. But we all must find out what our roles are in society, and what our missions are in life, and the best time to do so is when we are very young, and the world still calls us youth. Because it means we have ideas, we have passion, and we have fresh legs to run fast.

The question again is where are Africa’s youth. Well, look around out there, from South Africa to South Sudan, from Rwanda to Nigeria, from Kenya to Zimbabwe. Africa’s youth are all out there. But Africa’s adults need to sometimes hold the hands of Africa’s youths, and show where the they can help, and teach about real priorities and the things that matter the most, so that the future of Africa – but for me especially the future of Nigeria, is indeed Bright.So, now, Africa’s youth are waiting for Africa’s adults, to lead. That way, Africa would be the world’s leader in a few decades time, when the youths are the new adults. We are Africa’s youth.

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ANALYSIS: Nigeria, A Weeping Economy In Search Of Redemption

By Omoh Gabriel

When President Muhammadu Buhari swept his way to power with the change mantra, many Nigerians were hopeful that things will get better. Buhari talked tough and many felt he meant well. In-fact his stand on the economy, which is to look inwards, was well received. Many supported his position of not yielding to the devaluation of the naira.
Yes, the economy was taking some bashing; Nigerians were going to have it rough and tough initially. Nothing good comes easy was the understanding of many. The government planned to jump start production by injecting funds into the economy. To bring workers back to work, empower Nigerians to have enhanced purchasing power to oil the wheel of economic growth and progress. But thus far the economy is sinking and there is no recovery plan that is adequate to tackle the economy down turn. There was a debate on the value of the naira and pressure came on the Central Bank of Nigeria to devalue the currency.
Proponents of devaluation had argued that it will bring in a lot of dollars from foreign investors. CBN submitted to pressure by floating the naira. The result was a steady decline of the national currency. The foreign exchange that was being hoped for has not come, with foreign investors waiting in the wings and watching to see the currency go further down the line. Nigerian policy makers seem not to learn from the past. This economy can only grow through the genuine efforts of Nigerians. Foreign investors can only be additional benefit not the core of growth and development of the Nigerian economy.
Four drivers of the economy
Managers of the economy are well aware that consumption, investment, government spending and exports drive any economy. As it is the four drivers of the economy are looking downwards. They may not look up any time soon if appropriate policy measures are not applied. The economy as admitted by both the minister of finance and the Central Bank governor is sinking and there is no recovery plan that is adequate to tackle the economy down turn. Nigeria needs massive investment, the purchasing power of the consumers need to be enhanced, government need to spend wisely on infrastructure and the private sector have to produce for both local and international markets.
The nation is not earning enough from crude oil export, so there is shortage of foreign exchange in the country. Nigeria policy makers seem not to learn from the past. This economy can only grow through the genuine efforts of Nigerians. Foreign investors can only be additional benefit not the core of growth and development of the Nigerian economy. In the days of import license, the argument was that once the economy was liberalised, the nation can go to sleep and things will fall in place. Nigeria undertook the Structural Adjustment pills. Policies and programmes were put in place.
One of such was the introduction of the foreign exchange market. At that time, there were three separate markets for foreign exchange. There was the first tier, the second their and the autonomous market. In each of these markets different rates were applied for the same commodity. Along the line, foreign and local investors started agitating that the true value of the naira was reflected in the shadow market called parallel market. The IMF, World Bank and other self styled experts kept asking the nation to adjust the naira value against the dollar.
From about N1 to the dollar in 1986, the adjustment has taken the nation currency down the drain to N395 to the dollar as at today. So long as the parallel market exist side by side the inter-bank market, and Nigeria not earning enough foreign exchange, the naira will continue to weaken with its attendant inflationary pressure on the economy.
The fundamental issues in the economy are not being addressed in each of these adjustment experiments. No nation allows its economy to become a guinea pig for testing the suitability of a theory in the market place. The primary problem in Nigeria economy is its weak production base. Nigerians must realise that the economy as well as the currency can only get better if every Nigerian makes up his mind to be productive and be discipline.
It is shameful that Nigeria imports virtually everything under the sun. This simply is unsustainable. There is a general need for a reorientation of the minds of Nigerians, an orientation borne out of the fact that there is dignity in labour. Nigeria can come out of the current recession if all hands are on deck in a very short time by looking inward and producing locally most of the items it is importing now.
Nigeria imports at least 70 percent of its refined fuel, despite pumping 1.6 million barrels of crude a day in June according to the International Energy Agency, and faced fuel shortages as retailers struggled to get foreign currency to buy product.
The currency’s official exchange rate weakened to more than N280 per dollar, compared with the fixed rate of N197-199, and the naira trades at around 360 on the black market, increasing prices for consumers.
Strong production base
The lack of a strong production base has resulted in imported inflation. As the value of the naira nose dive, prices of goods and services rise as more naira are needed to import the same quantity of goods in the past.
National Bureau of Statistics in a statement recently said “In June, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) which measures inflation continued to record relatively strong increases for the fifth consecutive month. The Headline index increased by 16.5 per cent (year-on-year), 0.9 per cent higher from rates recorded in May (15.6%).
While most COICOP divisions which contribute to the Headline index increased at a faster pace, the increase was however weighed upon by a slower increase in three divisions; Recreation & Culture, Restaurant & Hotels, and Miscellaneous Goods & Services
“Year on year, energy prices, imported items and related products continue to be persistent drivers of the Core sub-index. The Core index increased by 16.2% in June, up by approximately 1.2% points from rates recorded in May (15.1%). During the month, the highest increases were seen in the electricity, liquid fuel (kerosene), furniture and furnishings, passenger transport by road, and fuels and lubricants for personal transport equipment.
“While imported foods continue to increase at a faster pace, the Food sub index on the aggregate increased, albeit at a slower pace in June relative to May. The index increased by 15.3 per cent (year on year) in June up by 0.4 per cent from rates recorded in May. The index was weighted upon by a slower increase in the vegetables and “sugar, jam, honey, chocolate and confectionery” groups. Nigerians must produce what the nation feeds on. Nigeria cannot continue to import rice, beans, petrol and what not. Imagine if there is a Dangote in agriculture, another in auto manufacturing, another in petrol sector replicating the cement miracle, this economy will certainly grow faster and less dependent on import. The argument that the business environment is harsh is begging the question. If Dangote can succeed in the Nigerian environment, others with the same mind- set can succeed.
It is very obvious that devaluation can not benefit an import dependent country. Nigeria produces and exports oil. Nigeria does not determine the price of oil nor the volume it produces.
The second issue in the country today that should be addressed is the question of sanctity of contract. Foreign investors are not responding to Nigeria economic overtune because they are not sure that Nigeria government will keep its promised. Many are not convinced of the sincerity of those in power. There are too many conflicting signals coming from the principal officers of the current government. It is a matter of concern that after the CBN introduced the floating exchange rate, the President in the open said he does not see the benefit of the policy to Nigerians. Such statement in the eyes of foreign investors connotes lack of policy cohesion and does not give hope for consistency. The question is if this administration believes strongly in looking inward, it should come up with policies and strategies to implement its diversification policy. As it is this government is on an economic roller coaster that is leading no where.
As of today the purchasing power of the citizenry is very low. Liquidity in the hands of individuals is paltry with several months of unpaid salaries in both public and private sectors. It is the ability of the citizenry to buy goods and services that gives signals to producers to produce more. It is the stimulation of production that generates employment, leads to industries expanding their facilities to cope with rising demand. This process when triggered brings about moderation in the prices of goods and services. In the warehouses of the few manufacturing companies are inventories of finished goods they are not able to sell. From the annual reports of existing companies, a good number are declaring loses and can not invest in new projects. Nigeria is at the moment suffering from lack of economic growth and at the same time high level inflation. The economy is in what is known as stagflation.
It is unfortunate that instead of releasing money into the economy the government is locking up funds that should have been used to foster production in the CBN vault in the name of fighting corruption. It has also failed to release the money it promised it will release into the economy as soon as the budget is passed. Timely release of funds enables any economy to move to the next level.
A breakdown of the total expenditure of government in the first three months of 2016 showed that the recurrent component accounted for 72.8 per cent, while capital and statutory transfers accounted for 18.0 and 9.2 per cent, respectively. A further breakdown of the recurrent expenditure showed that the non-debt component accounted for 72.7 per cent, while debt service payments accounted for the balance of 27.3per cent.
Thus, the fiscal operations of the Federal Government resulted in an estimated deficit of N725.18 billion, which indicated an increase of 178.6 per cent above the 2015 provisional quarterly budget deficit of N260.25billion”. There is no way the Nigeria economy can grow fast with this kind of government expenditure pattern. Enough attention needs to be paid to the development of infrastructure in the country if Nigeria intends to attract the right type of foreign investment. Nigerians and Nigerians are the problem of the nation. We must wake up from our sleep; roll up our sleeves and work, work and work to bail out our country Nigeria.

Herdsmen Of The City

Prof. Akinwumi Isola

It is heartwarming that the Lagos State House of Assembly, LAHA, hosted Prof. Akinwumi Isola the other day to discuss the desirability of Yoruba being used in the state’s schools as the language of instruction. Isola is a passionate scholar whose corpus of work includes poems, plays, novels and historiography. He writes mostly in Yoruba. He believes like the late Prof. Babs Fafunwa, a great citizen of Lagos and former Minister of Education, that African languages should be used as the language of instructions in all elementary and secondary schools in Nigeria. It is good that the Lagos Assembly, under the leadership of Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa, a young man of courage and sagacity, is leading the way for the state and the city to find their cultural bearing.
Lagos city shares similar history with two other major Yoruba cities, Ilorin and Ibadan, which were created or became transformed in the wake of the almost 10 years Yoruba Civil Wars of the 19th Century. Ilorin was the trigger of the Yoruba Wars. Ilorin was an outpost of the old Oyo Empire where the last Oyo ruler, Afonja, the Are Ona-Kakanfo, commander of the elite Calvary forces, was resident. Afonja, with the aid of Malam Alimi, a Fulani Islamic cleric, later revolted against his suzerain, the Alaafin. Soon, the followers of Alimi, tired of Afonja’s high-handedness, staged a bloody coup and had Afonja assassinated and put his regime to a sorry end.
All attempts by the Alaafin to regain Ilorin met with disaster until Oyo itself was destroyed and the people forced to evacuate under the leadership of Prince Atiba, an outstanding soldier-statesman, who led his people to build the present modern city of Oyo. Ilorin people had created an attractive ideology that was difficult to resist. All members of the Muslim laity, known as the Jamaa, were free men and they were all equal (at least in theory). Under this ideology, no Muslim could enslave another Muslim or put him in any form of bondage. These attracted young men, especially indenture slaves, to escape from their masters and take refuge in Ilorin. The conditions for acceptance were simple: accept the new faith, join the Ilorin army and grow a beard.
Therefore, by the end of the Yoruba Wars in 1886, every Yoruba town has one person or the other in Ilorin. Though most of them settled in Ilorin permanently, many of them or their descendants also took advantage of the peace brought about by the British colonial regime to preach Islam in many parts of the Yoruba country. Therefore, Islam spread more rapidly among the Yoruba during peace time than when the Islamists of Ilorin were waging wars to expand their faith and defend their outpost.
Ibadan was to have a similar history. Ibadan was one of the numerous settlements in the Egba forest which suffered greatly after the collapse of Oyo Empire. A band of soldiers led by Lagelu, a general from Ile-Ife, was the first to impose his rule on the settlement, forcing the Egba owners to move south deeper into the forest. Lagelu’s successors were soldiers, mostly veterans of the Ilorin offensives. The new rulers, which included such men as Oluyole and Osunkunle, soon created an ideology that was similar to that of Ilorin. Ibadan became a bye-word for meritocracy where anyone from any part of Yoruba land could make a career.
Ibadan, like Ilorin, believed in merit. Each of the two towns developed a unique Yoruba dialect that is a variation of Oyo dialect but with its own distinction. Both towns are robust in their understanding of their unique position in the Yoruba milieu and there is no doubt they have continued to play good roles in Nigerian politics, economics and social development till this day.
We can say the same about Lagos. With the collapse of old Oyo, Eko, as Lagos was known, acquired new prominence as the most important port in the Yoruba country sharing distinction with Badagry and Port-Novo (Ajase). Its deep harbour attracted British seafarers who soon pitched their tent there and imposed their rule by force of arms. By the end of the Yoruba Wars in 1886, Lagos had acquired special importance for it was also in the city that many of the missionary groups had their headquarters. The returnees from the Slave Trade had also formed a substantial section of the Lagos society. Thus the Ekitiparapo Society of Lagos, led by Haastrup (from Ilesha) and Doherty (from Ijero-Ekiti), was based in Lagos. Haastrup was later to become Kabiyesi Ajimoko, the Owa-Obokun of Ijeshaland.
Since the amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914, Eko has been transformed from the island and the few islets like Ikoyi that the British originally settled in. Like Ibadan and Ilorin, Lagos continues to attract hordes of immigrants seeking good fortunes and hoping to find gold on its dusty streets. It also served as the capital of Nigeria from 1914 until when the capital was moved to Abuja by General Ibrahim Babangida in 1991.
Such was the greatness of Lagos that everyone could call it home. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was elected from Lagos in 1951 to represent the Colony Province in the Western House of Assembly in Ibadan. When some people were confusing Lagos expansive multi-culturalism with something else in 1973, Brigadier Mobolaji Johnson, the first military governor of Lagos State declared: “Lagos is not a No-Man’s Land!”
In being a multi-cultural city, Lagos is only following the trend in the world, it is following the examples of Ibadan and Ilorin. In London, Rome, Paris, Frankfurt, New York, Dubai, Singapore, Hong Kong and many other cities, multi-culturalism is the key word. It enriches a city and brings a blend that promotes education, culture, understanding and economic progress. But can we imagine the Germans going to London to set up a colony where no English person is permitted to own a house or a shop? Can we think of the French setting up a colony in Rome where the Italians can only visit as buyers of goods and as menial workers?
Multi-culturalism is good but that should not mean that the city should surrender its soul. The LAHA has done the right thing to bring the state back to the path of rectitude by examine the role of the Yoruba language in the future of Lagos. Talking about language alone is not enough. The LAHA should re-examine the city’s multicultural roots and demographic archipelago and interpreted this in view of what is happenings in other parts of Nigeria.
If other peoples are coming to Lagos to create colonies, is this the new trend in Nigeria? Or is it a development that may create serious problems for the future of Lagos?
I have looked at the national landscape and I don’t see anywhere else where colonial settlements would be allowed. Any Yoruba who is willing to settle in Maiduguri, Yola, Port-Harcourt, Onitsha or Jos, would have to be ready to abide by the cultural ethos of each place. To insist that a Yoruba colony would be established in Yola for example, would be carrying the oneness of Nigeria too far. If the Yoruba in Yola should insist on this, then they would be the herdsmen of the city, ready to challenge trouble into a dance.
As Isola had said, putting Yoruba in its pride of place in Lagos and the entire Yoruba land would be a good step in the right direction in reclaiming the future. As Fafunwa also recommended, Yoruba should be used as the language of instructions for all subjects in both private and public primary and secondary schools in Lagos State and the rest of Yoruba land. No Yoruba man would send his children to a secondary school in London and expect him or her to be taught in Yoruba. It is true that English is the official language of Nigeria, but it is not the basic language of Lagos.
Re-asserting the primacy of Yoruba in Lagos would not be an attempt to deny its multi-cultural status. It would only mean that in a multi-cultural world, there must be a cultural and heritage foundation. This is the only way to safeguard the future of Lagos and make it a city with deep cultural roots. We have seen the impact of indigenous languages not only in the big economies, but also in the small Scandinavian countries of Europe. An example is Sweden where the Volvo automobile company is one of the dominant economic players. There, the Swedish language is the language of instructions up to university level. The same is applicable in South Korea where the Korean language is used for educational instructions up to university level.
If the current trends continue, the essence of Lagos would be lost. 4000 years ago, Jerusalem belonged to the Jebusites. Today, the entire Jebusite ethnic group is lost and their language gone. Lagos should learn from Ibadan and Ilorin. Take from others but make them your own. Or else in 50 years time, which part of Lagos would the descendants of the current denizens of Lagos call their own? If the current trend continues, then it would not be a surprise if pidgin or any other strange tongue apart from Yoruba becomes the official language at Iga Iduganran, the palace of the Oba of Lagos. How to recites the poems of Ifa in Pidgin or any other language would be a tall other.
Lagos must rise up, like Ilorin and Ibadan, and absolve the multicultural influences that are coming into the city. It should not allow the turning of the city into the colonies of those who have come to take advantage of its wide embrace and traditional Yoruba culture of welcoming others. Allowing others to form colonies in Lagos where the Yoruba language is forbidden and where even Lagosians are not allowed or permitted to own shops or buildings should not be the future of Lagos. Indeed, that is a shameful aberration. These new herdsmen needs to be curbed or else, they would turn privileges into rights. The iroko sapling is delicate now, but in the nearest future, it may demand sacrifices to appease it.

TALKING POINT: Dino Melaye Is Not A Coward?

By Rotimi Fasan

WHEN last week I was writing on the recent preoccupation of the Senate under Bukola Saraki and Ike Ekweremadu, namely the determination of the so-called ‘Like Minds’ senators, all supporters of the troubled duo, to hobble the Muhammadu Buhari presidency for what they consider its hostile attitude to the legislative arm of government.

As I was writing on this latest act of perfidy against the Nigerian people, I had no idea of what was already brewing within a closed-door meeting at the Senate.

There was no way I could have known that less than 24 hours later one of the most outrageous confirmations of my position on our inept Senate would occur and become public a day after. I speak here of the unseemly verbal attack and threat of physical violence by Dino Melaye against his female colleague, Mrs. Remi Tinubu. In the said commentary in this space, I had questioned the wisdom in the threat of the senators to shut down the Senate and all legislative activities as a prelude to their rumoured plan to commence impeachment proceedings against President Buhari. Their grievance is the ongoing trial for forgery of Senate standing rules of Saraki and Ekweremadu.

The threat was the latest in the series of proxy skirmishes being prosecuted by members of the Senate against President Buhari and other leaders of the All Progressives Congress party that the aggrieved senators hold responsible for the trial of their leaders. They choose to see their trial as an attempt to subvert the activities of the Senate and compromise its independence. The cowardly nature of the proxy battles is too obvious to be denied even when senators in the ‘Like Minds’ group choose to believe the contrary. They keep on speaking from both sides of their mouths making subtle and not-so-subtle attacks on the Presidency and the leadership of the APC while at the same time saying they would accept no change in Senate leadership. In all this, the senators speaking always ensure their names are not put in print. Yet their boasts of an imminent showdown and their readiness to take on the imagined adversaries in their shadow boxing never wanes. You can see them launching attacks, docking and throwing jabs all around. But all the while they hide, in their press wars, behind the anonymity of being sources who didn’t want their names mentioned.

You can then imagine one’s surprise when after one such behind-the-scenes skirmish it emerged that Dino Melaye who is renowned more for his childish display of unearned wealth has advocated for the ostracism of any member of the Senate supporting the ongoing trial of the Senate leaders if they don’t withdraw their support. He was taken on by Mrs. Tinubu and the result of that encounter is the outrageous threat of sexual violence, to wit: instant rape and physical walloping of his female colleague if she didn’t know her limits. This was after calling her ‘stupid’ and wanting to know from her if she took him, Melaye, for one of the party sidekicks that grovel before Senator Remi Tinubu’s husband.

All of this happened during a session chaired by Bukola Saraki himself even if there is no consensus on whether he gave approving nods or not to the antics of Melaye. Melaye has hinged his attack on Mrs. Tinubu on the fact that he is not a coward and had to react to her unflattering comments about him. Of course Melaye cannot be and is not a coward or he wouldn’t threaten to beat up and rape his older female colleague. But if Melaye is not a coward, then what is he?

I need not worry too much as to what Melaye claims to have said in his encounter with Senator Tinubu. What he said and did thereafter says more than he has admitted transpired inside that Senate session. He has denied threatening to impregnate (read rape) Senator Tinubu, wondering how he could have threatened to beat as well as rape her at the same time, as if both activity are mutually exclusive. In Melaye’s brave thinking one of the actions doesn’t imply the other obviously. But then he goes on to say that he couldn’t even have impregnated Senator Tinubu as she was past menopause. How Melaye knows this fact of Senator Tinubu’s life remains to be explained.

But this little bit more than anything else he has said on the matter at hand can tell anyone that Melaye lacks discretion and must have said more than he is prepared to admit to. Which gives the lie to his claim of not being a coward. Melaye is indeed a coward, a bully and a braggart in equal measure. His blustering outburst is just what it is: a waste of breath from an agbero touting passengers for his bolekaja. He is a squirrel who pretends to be a street toughie. His language both during and after his fight with Mrs. Tinubu betrays him. Even his promptness to deny any plan by him or others to fight President Buhari proves my point last week that the Senate is full of cowards fighting proxy battles.

This is not to say that Melaye would be doing anything brave by admitting that he expressed a desire to rape his colleague. Not at all. But in this man’s warped mind the one is the same as the other. Admitting to saying that he threatened to ‘impregnate’ Senator Tinubu is for him the same as being brave. Which would explain why he would travel to Lagos days after he was reportedly ‘banned’ from the South West by some APC stalwarts in the zone following his attack on Mrs. Tinubu and deciding to post pictures of himself on Lagos streets, including one allegedly on Bourdillon Street where Chief Bola Tinubu lives. What can anybody make of this childish act from a Nigerian senator? An act of bravery? What really is Melaye’s legacy as a legislator? His fighting bouts memorialised by that image of his torn, raggedy clothes after a pummelling in his time at the House of Representatives? This National Assembly where a female member was once slapped by her male colleague is infamous for its disdain of women. It needs rehabilitation and psychiatric test ought to be mandatory for members.